How Israeli Occupation of Palestine is Aided by Double Standards
South China Morning Post (Hong Kong)
Prof. Syed Munir Khasru
April 15, 2026
https://www.scmp.com/opinion/asia-opinion/article/3349907/how-pakistan-outmanoeuvred-india-iran-war-diplomacy-chinas-help
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After more than 20 hours of high-level negotiations in Islamabad, US Vice-President J.D. Vance confirmed that Washington and Tehran were walking away without a deal. Iran reportedly refused to accept US terms on its nuclear programme, laying bare the deep strategic divides that continue to stall diplomatic solutions to the conflict.
However, the venue tells a larger story. India has long been seen as South Asia’s most globally networked actor and has maintained ties with Washington, Tel Aviv, Tehran and the Gulf. In this crisis, however, Pakistan has gained unexpected diplomatic centrality, hosting the high-stakes US-Iran talks in Islamabad by leveraging a tactically aligned partnership with China to place itself at the core of diplomacy unfolding in recent weeks.
The situation is not a structural shift in power. India is the world’s fourth-largest economy at roughly US$4.5 trillion compared with Pakistan’s US$410.5 billion. India’s defence budget of US$85 billion is nearly nine times Pakistan’s US$9 billion, and its exports exceed US$714.7 billion compared with Pakistan’s limited trade base, with monthly exports just crossing US$3 billion.
By conventional metrics, India’s geopolitical clout far exceeds Pakistan’s. Nonetheless, crises often reorder relevance, which is evident in moments of acute disruption along with immediate alignment.
Apparently, that alignment is being structured by China. As tensions in the Gulf intensify, Beijing’s priority is clear: prevent escalation that could disrupt energy flows while retaining influence without direct exposure.
Reports suggest Iran has sent more than 11 million barrels of crude oil through the Strait of Hormuz – through which about one-fifth of global oil and gas passes – since the outbreak of war with the US and Israel. All of that oil went to China. Oil markets have reacted sharply, with crude prices hovering close to US$100 at present.
Within this framework, Pakistan has emerged as a convenient diplomatic instrument. Its outreach to Tehran, engagement with Gulf capitals and hosting of US-Iran negotiations are not occurring in isolation; they align closely with Beijing’s preference for indirect, stabilising engagement.
The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, valued at around US$60 billion, anchors this relationship. Gwadar Port, which is roughly 400km from the Strait of Hormuz, offers long-term strategic depth along a critical maritime corridor. China sees Pakistan as more than a friend; it is a short cut for getting what Beijing wants without having to directly deal with geopolitical drama.
Such positioning has translated into greater visibility on the global stage. Pakistan’s diplomatic engagements have been amplified through Chinese signalling, positioning Islamabad as a relevant interlocutor. The result is a form of outsourced diplomacy where influence is exercised through partners.
The recent talks hosted by Pakistan – alongside Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Egypt – signal the emergence of a new regional grouping that is positioning itself as a principal channel for mediation between Tehran and Washington.
By contrast, India now faces the constraints of its own strategic orientation. It imports around 45 per cent of its crude oil from the Middle East. Its trade with the Gulf Cooperation Council exceeds US$170 billion annually, with remittances of around US$40 billion critical to its finances. By comparison, despite deepening ties, trade with Israel is far smaller at US$10.8 billion. This breadth of multi-front engagement could have positioned New Delhi as a credible intermediary, maintaining ties with the US, Iran, Israel and Gulf countries.
However, this potential has not translated into diplomatic centrality, leaving space for Pakistan. The US sinking of an Iranian warship in India’s wider maritime neighbourhood, shortly after it had participated in an Indian-hosted naval exercise, has highlighted the limits of New Delhi’s ability to shape events even in its immediate area.
Furthermore, India’s position has been complicated by its stance on Israel. While it has long balanced economic ties with the Gulf and close security cooperation with Israel, the Gaza conflict has exposed the limits of that equilibrium, creating unease in parts of the Arab world and the Global South on India’s mixed messaging and proclivity not to censure Israel for its allegedly genocidal acts and human rights violations in Gaza.
At the same time, political symbolism – including Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s reference in the Knesset to Israel as a “fatherland” and India as a “motherland” – complicates perceptions of neutrality as that carefully maintained balance is starting to fray.
What is becoming evident is that diplomatic relevance itself is being redefined. The traditional model anchored in economic weight and broad partnerships is giving way to a more transactional logic where immediacy trumps depth. China’s approach reflects this shift, shaping outcomes indirectly by empowering aligned actors while minimising its own exposure.
By nudging Iran towards negotiation while enabling Pakistan to facilitate dialogue, Beijing has managed to remain present in the diplomatic arena without assuming the risks of direct involvement. This has helped protect its core interests in energy security and regional stability without being drawn too deeply into the conflict itself.
Today’s evolving order holds a parallel insight for Pakistan: those who align decisively with rising powers can, at least temporarily, convert geopolitical turbulence into diplomatic opportunity.
South Asia’s hierarchy is not being rewritten, but it is being stress-tested. In this moment of flux, Pakistan has not simply been visible, it has been positioned at the centre of crisis diplomacy. That positioning, enabled by China’s support, has allowed Islamabad to outmanoeuvre New Delhi in the narrow but critical arena of crisis diplomacy.